Thursday 27 August 2020

RMA reforms: In search of a purpose for urban planning

 

The report of the RMA reform panel  “New directions for resource management in New Zealand” is out. First a note of caution. Previous RMA reform proposals have involved many reports on many topics. Often what gets picked up is some of the easy stuff. This time around, we are told that it will be a comprehensive review. 

A Natural and Built Environment Act is proposed, along with a Spatial Planning Act and a Managed Retreat and Climate Change Adaptation Act. No mention of the fate of current ‘add ons’ like the Waitakere Ranges Heritage Protection Act, Special Housing Areas, or Covid fast track. And what about the Urban Development Act that enables Urban Development Authorities to bypass the RMA (or its replacement) by establishing their own streamlined planning and consenting process? Not too sure how this all adds up to an integrated approach; the trick is going to be which plan gets developed first. 

My pick would be the any plan under the Managed Retreat and Climate Change  Act should be sorted out first, then any special area plans (like Waitakere Ranges and plans prepared by UDAs) be drawn up, along with identification of ‘limits’ under the Natural and Built Environment Act. Spatial plans can then be developed and agreed within this context, with relevant remaining details then filled out in the combined plans under the Natural and Built Environment Act.

Sounds exhausting, but then the alternative could be a whole bunch of plans being prepared at the same time, all bumping up against each other. 

Looking at the review report, I think the Panel have had too big a job in too little time. I would have thought, given the size of the project, it would have been broken down into a range of sub tasks and working groups to tease out issues and options before some sort of combination process. To me there is a lack of depth as to urban planning issues, and I think that has arisen from the scale of the project. The report feels like it has found its feet over management of natural resources, with talk of limits, improvements, better methods of allocation and a focus on outcomes. These concepts look like they have been rolled over into the urban sphere without much thought. 

In search of a purpose for urban planning.

The main issue I have is that there is a lack of a firm foundation for urban planning. The reform proposals repeat the common concerns over urban plans being unresponsive to demands, too slow to change and adapt, adding too much cost and delay, captured by special interest groups and NIMBYS. 

But this is a reactive approach. It does fit nicely into a bigger narrative: ‘ease up on urban areas, tighten up on the natural environment’. But it is not a forward looking approach. 

The following purpose for the new Act is proposed:

Any definition of quality? Or what is an 'enhancement' (positive for me, but negative for you)? These are broad concepts that need to be operationalised.  The following doesnt go very far.

A different set of plan making principles apply to urban areas to those for the natural environment (although it is not clear how they are reconciled when some much of our urban environments are intertwined with natural environments - coastal area, streams, maunga, bush filled gullies). Nevertheless, this is a good start - to recognise the differences between managing finite stocks of natural resources versus the ebb and flows of physical resources found in cities.  

The urban planning principles are: 

No reference to amenity. This is deliberate, as maintaining amenity is used as the cloak for ‘don’t touch my neighbourhood’. But yet what is the replacement? The even less-defined and more emotive term: ‘quality’. 

Apart from being ill defined, improving the quality of the urban environment is not really a sound basis upon which to manage urban resources.  Everyone agrees with better quality, so it is understandable that this ‘outcome’ is reached for when trying to find a place to stand. But public policy requires some sort of ‘failure’ or ‘problem’ to be identified upon which action to curtail or shape private actions can be justified, and poor quality development has never featured strongly as a reason to intervene in urban environments.  

But neither is saying that planning has got caught up in a big cobweb of NIMBYs a sound basis upon which to build a new approach.

The Review group acknowledge that urban planning is a complex mediation between public and private interests, over space and over time. But they are worried about plans getting caught up in the detail:

Our view is that to achieve good environmental outcomes and make the greatest contribution to the overall wellbeing of communities, urban planning should be more focused on setting the high-level patterns of land use for urban development and less focused on developing the elaborate and overly complex regulatory controls that are characteristic of current district plans. In the words of Jane Jacobs, urban planning is a science of “organised complexity.

The best response to this complexity is to combine strategic direction with simple rules. The ‘outcomes’ set to guide urban planning should therefore recognise the dynamic nature of urban areas, ensure development capacity is available for growth and change, and ensure that the way in which overall urban form contributes to wellbeing is broadly understood. 

Somehow this feels like a bit of a cop out. Where have we heard the call for a ‘few simple rules’ before? A few simple rules usually come accompanied by a large does of discretion to administer them. Reduction of that discretion requires more detailed, place-based rules. 

Of course Jane Jacobs' recipe for urban success actually relies upon attention to details; details like windows overlooking streets, short city blocks to generate movement, access to a range of old and new premises to enable mixed uses. We can add a visually stimulating and safe urban environment to that list. These are not qualities that are easily ascribed in a high-level plan and a few simple rules. 

Jane Jacobs was writing at the time of large scale, state-led urban redevelopment that saw block-busting, ‘towers-in-space’ replace older row houses and walk up apartments; and a jumble of  local shops and live work units. No wonder she referred to the complexity of urban environments that were being destroyed by a ‘few simple rules’. But it was more than just a call for an understanding that urban environments are complex; this complexity needed nurturing. Complexity did not necessarily spring forth naturally, nor did it continue to replicate by itself.  

Things have moved on from the 50s and 60s. The fourth industrial revolution is taking hold, kicked along by covid 19. Work and home are blurring, the neighbourhood is taking on a more central role in city structure than the old dichotomy of the centre and suburb. Work and incomes are becoming more precarious. 

What about the following as rationales for intervention in this emerging urban environment:

Managing the accumulation of many small positive and negative changes

Fixing up other messes

Tackling concentration and inequity 

Greening the city 

Helping make trade offs

Future effects - taking a long term view.

What do I mean?

Accumulation of many small positive  effects.

Cities change incrementally, site by site. While we may get caught up in the excitement of spatial planning for a region, cities morph and change constantly with or without spatial planning. Much of urban planning has to involve micro management of this change.   A few simple rules will not cut it. If cities die by a 1000 cuts, then they flourish by a 1000 small acts of kindness.   Perhaps reference to positive enhancements is helpful here, but the Act needs to tackle how to anticipate and manage many small, cumulative changes.

Fixing up other messes

Much of that larger scale urban change is driven by distorted signals sent out by other activities: poorly priced transport systems generate sprawl and ruin neighbourhoods with traffic; obesogenic environments filled with too much sugar and junk food and not enough options for walking and cycling see streets and lots filled with car-orientated developments; financial systems poorly tuned drive up house prices, creating huge incentives for landowners to protect their patch, and a retreat from building of affordable homes.  Planning has to be a counterbalance to these forces. It may be a second best counter balance compared to tackling the underlying causes, but at least urban planning is trying to help reduce these adverse pressures and signals in what should be an integrated way. 

Tackling concentration and inequity 

As the economy becomes more unequal, productivity falls and markets become dominated by a few big players, so do cities. Options for people to climb the economic ladder reduce. The middle classes are stuck. There is a need for urban environments to be more democratic and to actively support choice and opportunities.  If planning in the 20th century was about exclusion and  separation of uses, is planning in the 21st century about the active inclusion of a greater mix of uses and activities in all neighbourhoods?  

Greening the city

This is more than just protecting the remnant natural environments left in cities. This is about mental health. It is about cities environments being restorative. As work conditions become more ‘flexible’ and less certain, populations become more diverse culturally and in age range, the city environment becomes the balm which helps to smooth nerves and promote community interaction. We have seen a glimpse of what is possible in the first covid 19 lock down. Having accessible green ‘elements’ close by, in all neighbourhood becomes ever more important.   


Helping make trade offs

Planning is about making purposeful trade offs for the above types of community benefits where necessary; rather than leaving trade offs to be made by market processes. This is a public process, it also one that needs a high degree of discipline and guidance, otherwise decision making is open to many imperfections. As our understanding of environments improve and the digital revolution takes hold, the old claim that markets make faster and better decisions than people sitting around a table becomes less relevant. Sure, public decision making needs to be confined to where it matters, but that is not the only role of a planning act. It must also spell out how to make trade offs within those confines. Section 6 of the RMA may not have been perfect, but by stating somethings are more important than others, decision making was improved. It is hard to see in the reform proposals anything which clearly says: ‘in an urban environment, these values are more important than those.’ 

Taking a long term view

This is also about how decisions are made. So many pressures support the status quo, taking a short term view of change. Planning has to be forced to take a long term view, otherwise planning can end up being used to shore up the short term. 

Back to the issue of what is urban quality. 

Interestingly, the discussion document that described the draft  NPS-UD referred to a list of urban qualities, as follows: 

The preamble to the NPS-UD would contain a wider description of things that contribute to

quality environments. This could include:

• reducing the impact on the natural environment

• using ecologically sensitive design

• enhancing safety and good health

• promoting resilience to the impacts of natural hazards

• providing a range of transport options

• reflecting historical and cultural heritage in the urban environment.

Not a bad list. But none of this has been picked up in the NPS-UD nor the proposals for the new Act.Why?

Tuesday 18 August 2020

Some more thoughts on working from home

Working from home (WFH) is apparently the new big trend accelerated by the Covid 19 pandemic. To some, WFH will spell the end of the central city office tower (and associated inner city cafes); spur a new round of sub regional centres filled with flexible workplace hubs and see further expansion of the urban footprint as workers freed from the daily commute, search out larger houses and sections on the urban fringe. 

Next question: given all that, do we need the Central Rail Link anymore? 

But who actually works from home? As people have noted, you need to sit as a desk with a computer to be able to work from home. But maybe not, perhaps you are an artist who uses paints or an author who still uses a typewriter. Then there are folk like farmers who mostly work at home. 

We don't have a great deal of information about who works from home and if that is a full time or just part time arrangement. Stats NZ suggest, based on a survey in 2018, that ‘more than one-third’ of employees have worked from home in their main job. Turns out the ‘more than a third' means between 33 and 35% of those who responded to a survey. There was variation by occupation. It was most common for professionals (58 percent) to have done some work from home, followed closely by managers (57 percent). The occupations where it was least likely to have done some work from home were machinery operators and drivers (6.0 percent), followed closely by labourers (6.5 percent). You do wonder what labouring on a building site you can do from home!  

For a bit more detail, the 2018 census asked people if they worked from home. This was in response to the question of what people’s main means of travel to work was. Main means of travel to work is the usual method by which an employed person aged 15 years and over used to travel the longest distance to their place of employment (for example, by bicycle, public bus, walking, or driving). 'Usual' is the type of transport used most often - for example, the one used for the greatest number of days each week, month, or year. If there are two (or more) forms of transport used equally as often, the most recent form of transport was recorded. So if someone ticked ‘worked at home’, it is likely that this was a full time arrangement, rather than a one day a week type situation. 

In the Auckland Region, 72, 000 people said that they usually worked at home, out of total responses of 825,000, or about 9% of the respondents. This rate is fairly consistent across the other two big urban regions (Wellington and Canterbury) with 9 and 12% of workers respectively. But who worked from home - what occupations were the most common WFH'ers, and where did people live? If you look at the map of who worked from home in 2018 in Auckland, then the ‘work from homers’ were concentrated along the eastern seaboard; that is the eastern central Isthmus and coastal north shore. The map shows the percentage of employed residents over 15 years old who worked at home, by census area unit. 
Figure 1: % working from home - 2018 census

Sure, there is a ring of work from homers in the rural areas surrounding the city, but these are probably mostly farmers and lifestylers. What is interesting is the low rate of work from home in the west and south of the urban area.

Unfortunately, the 2018 census does not list travel to work arrangements by industry. The 2013 and 2006 census do. Figure 2 below is the percentage of workers who answered the census question and ticked worked from home when asked for their means of travel to work on the day of the census. The two big groups of WFH'ers were rental, hiring and real estate jobs; and professional, scientific and technical services . In other words real estate agents and consultants. Arts and recreation were also above the average. 

 Figure 2: Percent of workers working from home by job category, 2006 and 2013


In terms of numbers, the professional, scientific and technical services stand out, and that makes sense; it is a big employment category in the Region and one where workers do spend a lot of time sitting at a desk with a computer, and many maybe self employed. 

Figure 3: Number working from home by job category, 2013

Now the pandemic may prompt more people, and a different set of workers, to work from home than that recorded by the 2018 census. But equally it may just reinforce current patterns. If so, will more work from homers see more sprawl and less congested roads? My pick is no to both. 

WFH may weaken demand to travel into the central Isthmus but it is unlikely to reduce demand for  travel from western and southern residences to workplaces in the southern Isthmus and Manukau. The potential outcome is weaker public transport demand into the CBD,  not less; while the cross-town car travel demand remains. 

NZTA reports (pre the current Covid 19 Level 3 2.0) traffic on Auckland’s motorway network is now 89.7% of same time last year. The below graph is counts from SH 20, an important cross town link between the west and south. 


Figure 4: NZTA traffic counts - SH 20, Auckland

As for public transport patronage, data from Auckland Transport (see below) suggests patronage is at about 80% of the same time last year, for the month of July. The decline is strongest in the weekdays (the humps in the graph, the dips are the weekend). So maybe the work from homers is having more of an impact on public transport than car journeys. Kind of makes sense when you see who does work from home. 

Figure 5: Auckland Transport public transport patronage, July 2020 and July 2019

What about the move out to the edge of town for all those real estate agents and consultants freed from the daily commute ? This seems unlikely given the attraction of the living environment of the central Isthmus and coastal north shore to these groups of workers. Further more this group probably has some of the better and easier commutes than most other groups. If the lockdown is any case study, any time saved from not travelling into the office is likely to be spent enjoying the inner city environment. And yes demand for CBD cafes may go down, but demand for a coffee in the inner suburban centres is likely to go up.